Introduction to the series
I am developing this multipart series of what I call “Deconstructing Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia” (along with many other topical series to come) for several reasons. The Thugtatorship of Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (T-TPLF) has used its phony ideology of “ethnic federalism” to hoodwink and bamboozle Ethiopians into believing its system of ethnic apartheid supremacy is actually federalism. It is stunning how a group of high school and grammar school dropouts have been able to con a population of 100 million people into accepting their ethnic apartheid masters are actually their liberators.
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“A warm friendship connects the Ethiopian and American people,” U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson announced earlier this year. “We remain committed to working with Ethiopia to foster liberty, democracy, economic growth, protection of human rights, and the rule of law.”
Indeed, the website for the U.S. Embassy in Ethiopia is marked by press releases touting U.S. aid for farmers and support for public health infrastructure in that East African nation. “Ethiopia remains among the most effective development partners, particularly in the areas of health care, education, and food security,” says the State Department.
Behind the scenes, however, Ethiopia and the U.S. are bound together by long-standing relationships built on far more than dairy processing equipment or health centers to treat people with HIV. Fifteen years ago, the U.S. began setting up very different centers, filled with technology that is not normally associated with the protection of human rights. Read more →
Note: We are watching another cruel political theater produced and directed by the T-TPLF playing out in Ethiopia.
On October 30, 2017, the T-TPLF’s Federal Supreme Court ordered the release of Professor Bekele Gerba, Deputy Chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) on bail set at 30,000 birr (less than USD$1,000). At the time of his arrest in December 2015, his bail application was denied because of the alleged gravity of the “terrorism” charges levelled against him. The recent order to release him on bail set in motion a controlled make-believe appellate frenzy by T-TPLF prosecutors who sought to overturn the bail order because Bekele could tamper “tamper with evidence or could be a flight risk if released.”
What kind of evidence could Bekele possibly tamper with two years after his arrest?
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